Many  years  ago, one of our Presidents, it might have been Johnson  (actually, Jamie,  it was Nixon, in 1971; sorry) declared a "War on  Drugs." The dynamic of  law enforcement was set on a new path -- or back  on an old one  reminiscent of the days of prohibition and anti-labor  activities. In  some places, it began even earlier. Not long after I was  discharged  from the Army, I was living in Greenwich Village, on  MacDougal Street,  sort of the Main Street of the Beat/Hippie/Folkie  world at the time. I  was managing a coffeehouse across the street that  was, at that time,  known as "The Cafe Feenjon" but had existed since  the late '50s as "The  Commons, "The Fat Black Pussycat" and perhaps  other names now forgotten,  at least by me.
Now  all of this is to set the stage  for a bit of history. In the late '60s  -- I left the Army in September  of '69 and moved to New York in early  '70 to place it all in a  chronological context -- the civil rights  movement was taking a  decidedly un-civil shift. There were the Black  Panthers, The Black  Liberation Army, The Symbionese Liberation Army and  other, lesser-known  Black radical groups and a lot of fringe folk with  no real ties to any  group, just a serious case of the mads with white  people. In NYC, cops  were being killed in larger numbers than anyone  could remember. The  Mafia pretty much had a rule that cops were off the  table as targets  because a cop-killing brought a lot of heat down in  an area and often  right into the middle of a healthy business  operation. This was not a  Good Thing. But the Black Militants had no  such scruples. In one  instance, in 1972, an undercover police officer  was fatally shot at the  #7 Mosque of the Black Muslims in Harlem. Two  cops, one black and one  white, were gunned down on the outskirts of the  Polo Grounds Projects, a  public Housing development on the site of the  old NY Giant's baseball  stadium -- and one-time polo field. The NYPD,  fearing a continuation of  what had been dubbed "The Long Hot Summer"  re-energized the Tactical  Patrol Force, originally created in 1959 to  deal with a rise in crime  rates.
By  the time the unit was brought up to strength, staffed by young men, six  feet tall and athletic in build, the City had cooled down and the  incidents of the previous year seemed to be part of history. Once  re-activated, however,  TPF had to be used and it was,  including in  several incidents where a situation was created by officers  in the  target precinct triggering the call-out of TPF. They were also  used for  "crowd control" including keeping weekend foot traffic in Greenwich  Village moving. They were not popular with many of the locals. I  had a  friend who served, for a time, with TPF until their use in  incidents  provoked to justify the use of TPF finally got to him.
Not   long after, even small towns began to get "tougher on crime" and the  feds were  right there with Vietnam War surplus equipment. Many were  offered  helicopters and those that could field a pilot and a place to  tie the  'copter down took the government up on their offer. As I said,  war had  been declared on drugs and the federal government, long unable  to really  make much of a dent in the drug trade, enlisted local law  enforcement in  numerous task forces and gave them military-surplus  equipment with which  to fight that war.
LAPD created SWAT in 1967 in response to the rise in racial tension during the Watts riots in 1965. (http://www.policemag.com/Videos/Channel/SWAT/2010/04/LAPD-s-Chief-Gates-on-Creation-of-SWAT.aspx   is a brief comment on the formation of SWAT by Retired Chief Daryl   Gates.) SWAT is, in a very limited fashion, a useful tool when dealing   with barricaded subjects, violent, armed offenders and the like. But, as   was true of TPF, once you have the tool, the tendency of bureaucrats  is  to use the tool in order to justify the expense.
Much  is made in the press and the blogosphere of police departments getting  what they always seem to call "tanks" but are usually armored personnel  carriers of some type. Armored  vehicles can serve a very useful, even  critical, function in law  enforcement. When dealing with the situations  described just above,  having a mobile armored base from which to  operate or with which to move  on a subject who is armed can be  critical. It can save lives, allowing  the officers to shield emergency  responders while they remove an  injured person. However, using an  armored vehicle to serve every  warrant? Along with the full SWAT team?  Nah, I don't think so. But, they  do.
There  were a couple of Facebook postings recently from a friend -- who I  would say is a trifle to the left of me on many subjects --  about the  recent bestowing of military equipment as freebies to local  cops. One  is this, http://www.businessinsider.com/program-1033-military-equipment-police-2011-12#ixzz1fhfo82jd. The other was http://www.thedaily.com/page/2011/12/05/120511-news-militarized-police-1-6/
In   the second story, one of the recipients of the federal largess, Chief   of Police Bill Partridge, who heads a 50-officer department in  Oxford,   Ala., said “If you’re quick  on the trigger on the Internet, usually  you  can get what you want,”  Partridge said, noting his department  visited  the program’s website  “weekly or daily” to check for gear. “My   philosophy is that I’d rather  have it and not need it than need it  and  not have it.”
The  problem here being that recent history has shown  us that "having it"  is almost a guarantee of "using it" sooner or later  and not always in  the most appropriate manner.
I  like "big boy" toys. I have been a shooter most of my life, from about  eight, when I went to the shooting galleries in Times Square and Coney  Island to pop targets in the arcades with .22 Shorts fired from old  rifles. I like things that go whir and clank and bang as much as the  next guy, and when I got to shoot fully-automatic weapons on some one  else's dime at a conference in Seattle, I was a happy camper. All that  said, I find the militarization of our police, to the extent to which it  has progressed since the late '50s, is just plain wrong and it is also  counter-productive.  Cops have, as the articles mention, become pretty much an occupying army, distanced from the community they are supposed to serve. 
I  wore the nearly ubiquitous black battle-dress uniform and high-top  boots, carried a high-capacity semi-auto pistol in a large caliber --  .45 ACP -- and was trained on other weapons, as well. There was a riot  helmet in my locker and a 36-inch riot baton as well. I always wore my  vest, even when I worked plain-clothes. But I was available to talk to  the people who worked on my beat at the county hospital or the mental  health clinics or, prior to that in the housing projects and the county  welfare offices. I didn't let down my guard, but I tried, consistent  with that, to be open and available to the people with whom I dealt. I  had learned the concept of "Community Oriented Policing" long before it  became a buzzword for a federally-funded program from a beat cop who  worked in the 6th Precinct and patrolled the streets of Greenwich  Village in the late '60s. Jimmy was approachable, pleasant to deal with  and alert to what was going on. He was in stark contrast to the TPF cops  who lorded it over the citizens, bohemian and tourist alike, on those  crowded summer streets.
There  is a major fundamental difference between the police and soldiers,  although both are armed and may use similar equipment. The police,  ideally, keep the peace and arrest wrong-doers. Soldiers maintain peace  by killing the enemy and occupying territory. There is a huge  difference. So, while I can see the need for some of the military-grade  tools that local cops are getting and using today, I think a lot more  discretion needs to be exercised in their use and a lot less use made of  some if it.


